Diversionary desecration? Regime instability and societal violence against minority sacred spaces
2023; Taylor & Francis; Volume: 24; Issue: 3 Linguagem: Inglês
10.1080/21567689.2023.2279168
ISSN2156-7689
Autores Tópico(s)Politics and Conflicts in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Middle East
ResumoABSTRACTFrom the October 2018 mass shooting at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania to the April 2022 bombing of the Sufi Khalifa Sahib mosque in Kabul, Afghanistan, religious minority sacred spaces are a conspicuous target of societal violence. While the potency of these attacks as instruments of symbolic and physical intimidation against vulnerable communities is well-recognized, comparatively little research has examined the larger societal and political forces that motivate them, particularly outside conflict zones. Employing data on individual religious minorities in 162 states from 1991–2014, we conduct quantitative analyses demonstrating that severe violence against religious minority sacred spaces is significantly correlated with increasing regime instability, particularly in more democratic states that strongly support religious institutions. Our findings suggest that the most violent outcomes tend to be diversionary, redirecting public anger toward internal ‘enemy’ others, rather than reactionary or retaliatory behavior toward already persecuted or genuinely threatening out-groups. AcknowledgmentsAn earlier version of this paper was presented at the 2023 International Studies Association Conference in Montreal. The authors would like to thank Jonathan Fox, Zorana Knezevic, Jacob Lewis, Chirasree Mukherjee, and the anonymous reviewers and editors at Politics, Religion & Ideology for their critiques, thoughts, and all around helpful feedback.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Data availability statementThe dataset, do-files, and online supplementary appendix for the empirical analysis of this article can be found at the corresponding author’s Dataverse at https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/FWMIKT.Notes1 Campbell Robertson, Christopher Mele, and Sabrina Tavernise, ‘11 Killed in Synagogue Massacre; Suspect Charged With 29 Counts’, The New York Times, October 27, 2018, sec. U.S., https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/27/us/active-shooter-pittsburgh-synagogue-shooting.html.2 Jay Croft and Saeed Ahmed, ‘The Pittsburgh Synagogue Shooting Is Believed to Be the Deadliest Attack on Jews in American History, the ADL Says’, CNN, October 28, 2018, https://www.cnn.com/2018/10/27/us/jewish-hate-crimes-fbi/index.html.3 Gary C. Jacobson, ‘Extreme Referendum: Donald Trump and the 2018 Midterm Elections’, Political Science Quarterly, 134:1 (Spring 2019), pp. 9–38; Jack Thompson and George Hawley, ‘Does the Alt-Right Still Matter? An Examination of Alt-Right Influence between 2016 and 2018’, Nations and Nationalism, 27:4 (2021), pp. 1165–1180; Amanda Weiner and Ariel Zellman, ‘Mobilizing the White: White Nationalism and Congressional Politics in the American South’, American Politics Research, 50:5 (September 1, 2022), pp. 707–722.4 Debbie Elliott, ‘5 Years After Charleston Church Massacre, What Have We Learned?’, NPR, June 17, 2020, sec. Code Switch, https://www.npr.org/2020/06/17/878828088/5-years-after-charleston-church-massacre-what-have-we-learned.5 Ruth Michaelson, ‘Egypt: Isis Claims Responsibility for Coptic Church Bombings’, The Guardian, April 9, 2017, sec. World news, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/apr/09/egypt-coptic-church-bombing-death-toll-rises-tanta-cairo.6 Nick Perry, ‘New Zealand Marks 2 Years since Christchurch Mosque Killings’, AP News, March 13, 2021, sec. New Zealand mosque attacks, https://apnews.com/article/race-and-ethnicity-shootings-coronavirus-pandemic-new-zealand-new-zealand-mosque-attacks-fca33566ed92bafa1fae257b741d93e9.7 Pamela Constable, ‘Sufi Mosque Bombed in Afghanistan’, Washington Post, April 30, 2022, https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2022/04/30/afghanistan-sufi-mosque-blast/.8 Afghanistan has been marked by internal militarized conflict for decades, yet the Khalifa Sahib mosque bombing occurred nearly two years after American withdrawal and the Taliban’s consolidation of power.9 Jonathan Fox, Thou Shalt Have No Other Gods Before Me: Why Governments Discriminate against Minorities (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2020), pp. 66–70, 75–78.10 Johan Brosché et al., ‘Heritage under Attack: Motives for Targeting Cultural Property during Armed Conflict’, International Journal of Heritage Studies, 23:3 (March 16, 2017), pp. 248–260; Benjamin Isakhan, ‘The Islamic State Attacks on Shia Holy Sites and the ‘Shrine Protection Narrative’: Threats to Sacred Space as a Mobilization Frame’, Terrorism and Political Violence, 32:4 (2020), pp. 724–748; Luis Felipe Mantilla and Zorana Knezevic, ‘Explaining Intentional Cultural Destruction in the Syrian Civil War’, Journal of Peace Research, 59:4 (2022), pp. 562–576; Sigrid van der Auwera, ‘Contemporary Conflict, Nationalism, and the Destruction of Cultural Property During Armed Conflict: A Theoretical Framework’, Journal of Conflict Archaeology, 7:1 (January 1, 2012), pp. 49–65.11 Ronan Lee and José Antonio González Zarandona, ‘Heritage Destruction in Myanmar’s Rakhine State: Legal and Illegal Iconoclasm’, International Journal of Heritage Studies, 26:5 (May 3, 2020), pp. 519–538; Andrea Malji, ‘People Don’t Want a Mosque Here: Destruction of Minority Religious Sites as a Strategy of Nationalism’, Journal of Religion and Violence, 9:1 (May 6, 2021), pp. 50–69; Michael Sells, ‘Crosses of Blood: Sacred Space, Religion, and Violence in Bosnia-Hercegovina’, Sociology of Religion, 64:3 (2003), pp. 309–331.12 Fox, Thou Shalt Have No Other Gods Before Me, op. cit.13 Ron Hassner, War on Sacred Grounds (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009), p. 22.14 Ariel Zellman and Jonathan Fox, ‘Under God, Indivisible? Religious Salience and Interstate Territorial Conflict’, Journal of Peace Research, May 21, 2023, 3, https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433231164435.15 Magdalena Florek, ‘No Place like Home: Perspectives on Place Attachment and Impacts on City Management’, Journal of Town & City Management, 1:4 (2011), pp. 346–354; Maria Lewicka, ‘Place Attachment: How Far Have We Come in the Last 40 Years?’, Journal of Environmental Psychology 31:3 (2011), pp. 207–230.16 Thomas Coomans, ‘The “Sino-Christian Style”: A Major Tool for Architectural Indigenization’, in Sinicizing Christianity (Brill, 2017), pp. 195–232.17 Amidu Elabo, ‘Religious Buildings and Ideological Conflicts: Broken Religious Sites and Unbroken Spatial Attachments in Jos North, Nigeria’, in The Routledge Handbook of Religion and Cities (Routledge, 2020), pp. 182–197.18 Hirad Abtahi, ‘The Protection of Cultural Property in Times of Armed Conflict: The Practice of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia’, Harvard Human Rights Journal, 14 (2001), p. 1; van der Auwera, op. cit.19 Abtahi, op. cit.; Slobodan Mileusnić, Spiritual Genocide: A Survey of Destroyed, Damaged and Desecrated Churches, Monasteries and Other Church Buildings during the War, 1991–1995 (Belgrade: Belgrade Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church, 1997); Sells, op. cit.20 OSCE, ‘Four Years Later: Follow up of March 2004 Riots Cases before the Kosovo Criminal Justice System’ (Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe MISSION IN KOSOVO, July 2008), https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/e/1/32700.pdf.21 Robert Bevan, The Destruction of Memory: Architecture at War-Second Expanded Edition (Reaktion books, 2016); Isakhan, op. cit.; Benjamin Isakhan and Ali Akbar, ‘Problematizing Norms of Heritage and Peace: Militia Mobilization and Violence in Iraq’, Cooperation and Conflict, 57:4 (2022), pp. 516–534.22 Bevan, op. cit.23 Muhammad Salman Khan and Sarah De Nardi, ‘The Affectual-Social Ecology of Cultural Artefacts: Illegal Markets and Religious Vandalism in Swat Valley, Pakistan’, in Forum for Social Economics (Taylor & Francis, 2022), pp. 1–18.24 Tess Davis and Simon Mackenzie, ‘15 Crime and Conflict: Temple Looting in Cambodia’, in Cultural Property Crime (Brill, 2014), pp. 292–306.25 Andrew W. Terrill, ‘Antiquities Destruction and Illicit Sales as Sources of ISIS Funding and Propaganda’ (US Army War College Carlisle United States, 2017).26 Terrill, op. cit.27 Finbarr Barry Flood, ‘Between Cult and Culture: Bamiyan, Islamic Iconoclasm, and the Museum’, The Art Bulletin, 84:4 (2002), pp. 641–659.28 Brosché et al., op. cit; Mantilla and Knezevic, op. cit.29 Jocelyne Cesari, ‘Time, Power, and Religion: Comparing the Disputes over Temple Mount and the Ayodhya Sacred Sites’, Journal of Law, Religion and State, 9:1 (2021), pp. 95–123; Hassner, War on Sacred Grounds; Yuval Jobani and Nahshon Perez, Governing the Sacred: Political Toleration in Five Contested Sacred Sites (New York: Oxford University Press, 2020).30 Cesari, op. cit; Malji, People Don’t Want a Mosque Here, op. cit.31 Brian J. Grim and Roger Finke, The Price of Freedom Denied: Religious Persecution and Conflict in the Twenty-First Century (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011); Jonathan Fox, The Unfree Exercise of Religion: A World Survey of Religious Discrimination against Religious Minorities (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016).32 Tore Bjørgo, ‘Violence against Ethnic and Religious Minorities’, in Wilhelm Heitmeyer and John Hagan (eds) International Handbook of Violence Research (Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2003), pp. 785–799, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-306-48039-3_39; Lars-Erik Cederman and Manuel Vogt, ‘Dynamics and Logics of Civil War’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 61:9 (October 2017), pp. 1992–2016; Joan Esteban and Debraj Ray, ‘Polarization, Fractionalization and Conflict’, Journal of Peace Research, 45:2 (March 1, 2008), pp. 163–182; José G. Montalvo and Marta Reynal-Querol, ‘Ethnic Polarization, Potential Conflict, and Civil Wars’, American Economic Review, 95:3 (June 2005), pp. 796–816.33 Ayal Feinberg, ‘Explaining Ethnoreligious Minority Targeting: Variation in U.S. Anti-Semitic Incidents’, Perspectives on Politics, 18:3 (September 2020), pp. 770–787.34 Michal Bilewicz and Ireneusz Krzeminski, ‘Anti-Semitism in Poland and Ukraine: The Belief in Jewish Control as a Mechanism of Scapegoating’, International Journal of Conflict and Violence (IJCV), 4,:2 (2010), pp. 234–243.35 Amy Adamczyk et al., ‘The Relationship Between Hate Groups and Far-Right Ideological Violence’, Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 30:3 (August 1, 2014), pp. 310–332; Michael Jendryke and Stephen C. McClure, ‘Mapping Crime—Hate Crimes and Hate Groups in the USA: A Spatial Analysis with Gridded Data’, Applied Geography, 111 (October 1, 2019), p. 102072.36 Ilir Disha, James C. Cavendish, and Ryan D. King, ‘Historical Events and Spaces of Hate: Hate Crimes against Arabs and Muslims in Post-9/11 America’, Social Problems, 58:1 (February 1, 2011), pp. 21–46.37 Amresh Gunasingham, ‘Sri Lanka Attacks: An Analysis of the Aftermath’, Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses, 11:6 (2019), pp. 8–13.38 Jerome Doyon, ‘Counter-Extremism’in Xinjiang: Understanding China’s Community-Focused Counter-Terrorism Tactics’, War on the Rocks, 14 (2019); Zunyou Zhou, ‘Chinese Strategy for De-Radicalization’, Terrorism and Political Violence, 31:6 (2019), pp. 1187–1209.39 Andrea Malji, Religious Nationalism in Contemporary South Asia (Cambridge University Press, 2022).40 Duncan McDonnell and Luis Cabrera, ‘The Right-Wing Populism of India’s Bharatiya Janata Party (and Why Comparativists Should Care)’, Democratization, 26:3 (2019), pp. 484–501.41 Deepankar Basu, ‘Majoritarian Politics and Hate Crimes against Religious Minorities: Evidence from India, 2009–2018’, World Development, 146 (2021), p. 105540.42 Alison L. Booth, Andrew Leigh, and Elena Varganova, ‘Does Ethnic Discrimination Vary Across Minority Groups? Evidence from a Field Experiment*’, Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics, 74:4 (2012), pp. 547–573; Bram Lancee, ‘Ethnic Discrimination in Hiring: Comparing Groups across Contexts. Results from a Cross-National Field Experiment’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 47:6 (April 26, 2021), pp. 1181–1200.43 Fox, Thou Shalt Have No Other Gods Before Me, op. cit., pp. 62–74.44 Feinberg, op. cit.45 According to the FBI, while destruction, damage, or vandalism accounted for about 30% of reported hate crimes in the United States in 2019, less than half of offenders were ‘known’. The well known failings of hate crime reporting aside, this designation does not even necessarily imply that police were able to identify the actual offender. Moreover, according to the Pew Research Center, only 35% of American property crimes in general are reported annually to the police and only 19% result in arrest.FBI, ‘Table 2: Incidents, Offenses, Victims, and Known Offenders by Offense Type, 2019’, 2019 Hate Crime Statistics (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2019), https://ucr.fbi.gov/hate-crime/2019/topic-pages/tables/table-2.xls; John Gramlich, ‘Most Violent and Property Crimes in the U.S. Go Unsolved’, Pew Research Center (blog), March 1, 2017, https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/03/01/most-violent-and-property-crimes-in-the-u-s-go-unsolved/.46 Noga Collins-Kreiner, ‘Religion and Politics: New Religious Sites and Spatial Transgression in Israel’, Geographical Review, 98:2 (April 1, 2008), pp. 197–213; Mordechai Nisan, ‘The Druze in Israel: Questions of Identity, Citizenship, and Patriotism’, The Middle East Journal, 64:4 (October 1, 2010), pp. 575–596.47 Yuval Jobani and Nahshon Perez, Women of the Wall: Navigating Religion in Sacred Sites (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017).48 Jonathan Fox, Roger Finke, and Marie Ann Eisenstein, ‘Examining the Causes of Government-Based Discrimination against Religious Minorities in Western Democracies: Societal-Level Discrimination and Securitization’, Comparative European Politics, 17:6 (December 1, 2019), pp. 885–909; Nyi Nyi Kyaw, ‘The Excuse of (Il)Legality in Discriminating and Persecuting Religious Minorities: Anti-Mosque Legal Violence in Myanmar’, Asian Journal of Law and Society, 8:1 (February 2021), pp. 108–131.49 Fox, Thou Shalt Have No Other Gods Before Me, op. cit., pp. 66–70, 74–75.50 Feinberg, op. cit.51 Amélie Godefroidt, ‘How Terrorism Does (and Does Not) Affect Citizens’ Political Attitudes: A Meta-Analysis’, American Journal of Political Science, 67:1 (2023), pp. 22–38; Jacob S. Lewis and Sedef A. Topal, ‘Proximate Exposure to Conflict and the Spatiotemporal Correlates of Social Trust’, Political Psychology, 2022, https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.12864; Ifat Maoz and Clark McCauley, ‘Threat, Dehumanization, and Support for Retaliatory Aggressive Policies in Asymmetric Conflict’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 52:1 (2008), pp. 93–116; Jaroslav Tir and Shane Singh, ‘Get off My Lawn: Territorial Civil Wars and Subsequent Social Intolerance in the Public’, Journal of Peace Research, 52:4 (2015), pp. 478–491.52 Disha, Cavendish, and King, op. cit.53 Fox, Finke, and Eisenstein, op. cit; Peter Henne and Jason Klocek, ‘Taming the Gods: How Religious Conflict Shapes State Repression’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 63:1 (2019), pp. 112–138.54 Fox, Thou Shalt Have No Other Gods Before Me, op. cit., pp. 75–78.55 Benjamin Isakhan and Sofya Shahab, ‘The Islamic State’s Destruction of Yezidi Heritage: Responses, Resilience and Reconstruction after Genocide’, Journal of Social Archaeology, 20:1 (February 1, 2020), pp. 3–25; Sells, op. cit.; van der Auwera, op. cit.56 Lee and González Zarandona, op. cit; Malji, People Don’t Want a Mosque Here, op. cit.57 Kyaw, op. cit.58 Brosché et al., op. cit; Isakhan, op. cit.; Mantilla and Knezevic, op. cit; van der Auwera, op. cit.59 Jack Snyder, From Voting to Violence: Democratization and Nationalist Conflict (New York: Norton, 2000); Jaroslav Tir and Michael Jasinski, ‘Domestic-Level Diversionary Theory of War: Targeting Ethnic Minorities’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 52:5 (October 1, 2008), pp. 641–664; Monica Duffy Toft, ‘Getting Religion? The Puzzling Case of Islam and Civil War’, International Security, 31:4 (2007), pp. 97–131.60 Alexandra Guisinger and Elizabeth Saunders, ‘Mapping the Boundaries of Elite Cues: How Elites Shape Mass Opinion across International Issues’, International Studies Quarterly, 61:2 (June 1, 2017), pp. 425–441; Joshua Kertzer and Ryan Brutger, ‘Decomposing Audience Costs: Bringing the Audience Back into Audience Cost Theory’, American Journal of Political Science, 60:1 (January 2016), pp. 234–249; Ariel Zellman, ‘Cheap Talk or Policy Lock? Nationalist Frames and Sympathetic Audience Costs in International Territorial Disputes’, Territory, Politics, Governance, 8:3 (May 26, 2020), pp. 336–355.61 Graig R. Klein and Efe Tokdemir, ‘Domestic Diversion: Selective Targeting of Minority out-Groups’, Conflict Management and Peace Science, 36:1 (January 1, 2019), pp. 20–41; Burcu Savun and Christian Gineste, ‘From Protection to Persecution: Threat Environment and Refugee Scapegoating’, Journal of Peace Research, 56:1 (January 1, 2019), pp. 88–102; Tir and Jasinski, op. cit.62 Country cases found in RASM however excluded from our analysis due to missing data on key variables from other sources include Andorra, Argentina, Bahamas, Belize, Brunei, Cuba, Northern Cyprus, Gaza Strip, Kosovo, Iraqi Kurdistan, Liechtenstein, North Korea, Palestinian Authority (West Bank), Somalia, Taiwan, Turkmenistan, Western Sahara, and Zanzibar.Fox, Thou Shalt Have No Other Gods Before Me, op. cit.63 As concerns may be raised regarding the combination of major vandalism and minor violence into a single conceptual category. we offer robustness checks with a five-point scale wherein these categories remain distinct. Results of this analysis provided in the Appendix do not substantially deviate from our primary model and confirm the theoretical inferences upon which it is based.64 Descriptive statistics regarding these variables are provided in the Appendix. Full descriptions of all variables in the RASM dataset are online https://ras.thearda.com/ARDA/ras/download/RAS3MIN%20Codebook.pdf.65 Fox, Thou Shalt Have No Other Gods Before Me, op. cit., p. 20.66 Ibid., p. 56.67 See the REIGN dataset codebook (https://raw.githubusercontent.com/OEFDataScience/REIGN.github.io/gh-pages/documents/REIGN_CODEBOOK.pdf) for a description of how this measure is calculated.Curtis Bell, Clayton Besaw, and Matthew Frank, The Rulers, Elections, and Irregular Governance Dataset (REIGN) (Broomfield, CO: One Earth Future, 2021), https://oefdatascience.github.io/REIGN.github.io/.68 Graeme A. M. Davies, ‘Policy Selection in the Face of Political Instability: Do States Divert, Repress, or Make Concessions?’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 60:1 (February 1, 2016), pp. 118–142; Klein and Tokdemir, op. cit; Savun and Gineste, op. cit; Tir and Jasinski, op. cit.Given potential ambiguities regarding the substantive meaning of this measure, we provide robustness checks employing instead domestic unrest measures taken from the Cross-National Time Series (CNTS) dataset, which are much more commonly employed in diversionary conflict research but for which we have limited temporal coverage.Arthur Banks and Kenneth Wilson, Cross-National Time-Series Data Archive (Jerusalem, Israel: Databanks International, 2021), https://www.cntsdata.com/.69 Tianjing Liao and Wonjae Hwang, ‘Political Protests and the Diversionary Use of Media: Evidence from China’, International Interactions, 48:5 (September 3, 2022), pp. 1027–1055; Sara McLaughlin Mitchell and Brandon Prins, ‘Rivalry and Diversionary Uses of Force’, Journal of Conflict Resolution, 48:6 (December 1, 2004), pp. 937–961; John R. Oneal and Jaroslav Tir, ‘Does the Diversionary Use of Force Threaten the Democratic Peace? Assessing the Effect of Economic Growth on Interstate Conflict, 1921–2001’, International Studies Quarterly, 50:4 (December 1, 2006), pp. 755–779.70 World Bank, ‘World Development Indicators’, World Development Indicators, 2022, https://databank.worldbank.org/source/world-development-indicators.71 Fox, Thou Shalt Have No Other Gods Before Me, op. cit.72 see Montalvo and Reynal-Querol, op. cit.73 Daniel Pemstein et al., ‘The V-Dem Measurement Model: Latent Variable Analysis for Cross-National and Cross-Temporal Expert-Coded Data’, V-Dem Working Paper (University of Gothenburg: Varieties of Democracy Institute, 2019).74 These results are presented in full in the Appendix.75 Davies, op. cit.; Oneal and Tir, op. cit.; Savun and Gineste, op. cit.We also find that percentage change in a state’s consumer price index, as a potential proxy for societal instability, is significantly associated with both minor vandalism and major vandalism or minor violence targeting minority sacred sites. However, this effect is nearly static regardless of the degree of change in CPI, varying only at the fourth or fifth decimal place. In other words, no substantive effect is actually observed. Further details are provided in the Appendix.76 U.S. Department of State, International Religious Freedom Report: Russia (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State, 2003), https://2009-2017.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/2003/24430.htm.77 Paul LeGendre, Minorities Under Siege: Hate Crimes and Intolerance in the Russian Federation (New York: Human Rights First, June 26, 2006), https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/326186/pdf/.78 Martin Laryš and Miroslav Mareš, ‘Right-Wing Extremist Violence in the Russian Federation’, Europe-Asia Studies, 63:1 (January 1, 2011), pp. 129–154.79 Sadia Saeed, ‘Pakistani Nationalism and the State Marginalisation of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan’, Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism, 7:3 (2007), pp. 132–152.80 Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama’at Canada, ‘Persecution of Ahmadis in Pakistan’, News Report, June 2009, https://www.ahmadiyya.ca/press/NewsReportJune09.pdf.81 Asian Human Rights Commission, ‘PAKISTAN: The Year 2009 Was Worst for Ahmedis’, Asian Human Rights Commission, February 2, 2010, http://www.humanrights.asia/news/forwarded-news/AHRC-FST-009-2010/.82 CNN, ‘Death Toll Rises to 98 after Lahore Attacks—CNN.Com’, CNN, May 29, 2010, http://www.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/asiapcf/05/28/pakistan.violence/index.html.83 Mariam Mufti, ‘Religion and Militancy in Pakistan and Afghanistan’, Center for Strategic and International Studies, June 29, 2012, https://www.csis.org/analysis/religion-and-militancy-pakistan-and-afghanistan.84 Indian Express, ‘Pak Police Vandalise 23 Ahmadi Graves, Remove Quranic Verses’, The Indian Express (blog), September 5, 2012, https://indianexpress.com/article/news-archive/print/pak-police-vandalise-23-ahmadi-graves-remove-quranic-verses/.85 Mubasher Bukhari and Syed Raza Hassan, ‘Protesters Seize Ahmadi Mosque in Pakistan after Blasphemy Rumour’, Reuters, November 21, 2015, sec. World News, https://www.reuters.com/article/uk-pakistan-attacks-blasphemy-idAFKCN0TA0PR20151121.86 Rana Tanveer, ‘Army, Police Disperse Mob Besieging Ahmadi Place of Worship in Chakwal’, The Express Tribune, December 12, 2016, sec. News, https://tribune.com.pk/story/1261227/protesters-wrest-control-ahmadi-worship-place-chakwal.87 Monty Marshall and Keith Jaggers, Polity IV Project: Political Regime Characteristics and Transitions, 1800-2002 (Center for Systemic Peace and Colorado State University, 2009), http://www.systemicpeace.org/polity/polity4.htm.88 Banks and Wilson, op. cit.89 e.g. Emilie M. Hafner-Burton, ‘Sticks and Stones: Naming and Shaming the Human Rights Enforcement Problem’, International Organization, 62:4 (October 2008), pp. 689–716.90 Matthew Krain, ‘J’accuse! Does Naming and Shaming Perpetrators Reduce the Severity of Genocides or Politicides?’, International Studies Quarterly, 56:3 (September 1, 2012), pp. 574–589.91 Melani McAlister, ‘American Evangelicals, the Changing Global Religious Environment, and Foreign Policy Activism’, The Review of Faith & International Affairs, 17:2 (April 3, 2019), pp. 1–12; Stephen Noakes, ‘Transnational Advocacy Networks and Moral Commitment: The Free Tibet Campaign Meets the Chinese State’, International Journal, 67:2 (June 1, 2012), pp. 507–525.Additional informationNotes on contributorsAriel ZellmanAriel Zellman is a Lecturer in the Department of Political Studies at Bar-Ilan University and the author, most recently, of Religious Minorities at Risk (2023) with Matthias Basedau and Jonathan Fox at Oxford University Press.Andrea MaljiAndrea Malji is an Associate Professor in the Department of History, Humanities, and International Studies at Hawaii Pacific University and the author, most recently, of Religious Nationalism in Contemporary South Asia (2022) with Cambridge University Press Elements.
Referência(s)