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Lessons from the Past that Apply to the Present: On the 110th Anniversary of the Founding of the Mexican Consulate in Salt Lake City, Utah

2024; University of Illinois Press; Volume: 92; Issue: 1 Linguagem: Inglês

10.5406/26428652.92.1.04

2642-8652

Iván López Martínez, A. Rodríguez,

Archaeology and Natural History

Since their respective foundings, the relationship between Mexico and the United States has been one of the most complex between countries of the Americas. The economic, social, and cultural histories of the two nations are intertwined. The United States and Mexico first established diplomatic relations on December 12, 1822, and with time, different particularities developed on either side of the border.The twentieth century ushered in a new era in the relationship between Mexico and the United States, as the end of the Civil War and the beginning of the Mexican Revolution created continuous changes in the development of diplomacy. On the one hand, the United States grew in its position as an economic power. This spurred the migration of Mexicans in search of better working conditions. In Mexico, meanwhile, political instability led to ups and downs in terms of the quality of response by the Mexican Foreign Service (Servicio Exterior Mexicano, SEM).1In 2022, the Mexican Consulate in Salt Lake City, Utah, marked its 110th anniversary. Within the framework of that celebration, we review the beginnings of the Salt Lake City Consulate in order to understand some of the lessons about consular work this diplomatic corps can pass on to others. This article, which is based on documents kept in the Genaro Estrada Diplomatic Historical Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, is divided into three sections. The first contains a brief description of the binational historical context that characterized both countries; the second section discusses the first three decades of the establishment of the consulate in Salt Lake City, to understand its evolution and the contribution it makes to consular diplomacy; and the third section presents our final thoughts.Beginning in the second half of the nineteenth century and through the start of the twentieth century, once the expansion to the Pacific had been completed and the Civil War had come to its conclusion, the United States underwent a period of internal transformation prior to its emergence as a world power. One of the key developments was its accelerated progress toward industrialization, which changed US production to the detriment of some sectors, such as agriculture, whose contribution to the country's total production fell from 70 percent to 30 percent between 1839 and 1900.2Alongside this process, new transportation routes for raw materials and goods were developed, leading to an increase in railroads and the use of river transport. Likewise, the country underwent a demographic shift, which allowed access to an abundant and cheap pool of labor in the main productive centers. The United States' own growing population met this need, as well as migration and the transition from a rural to an urban society. The process culminated in 1920, the year in which, for the first time, a greater number of people lived in cities than in the countryside.3This transformation of the United States strengthened its business sector, which began to have greater influence on politics. The elite consolidated large monopolies and expanded their businesses abroad, with the support and backing, in most cases, of the government. In the years leading up to World War I, the United States positioned itself as the leading producer of manufactured goods, accounting for 36 percent of global production and outpacing the United Kingdom, which accounted for 14 percent of production, and Germany, which accounted for 15.7 percent.4This impacted both the United States itself and nations abroad. One of the important results at home was the emergence of the Progressive movement, which included public criticism of economic monopolies, corruption in state and municipal governments, and the lack of protection for women and children, all of which affected the political climate of the time.5In terms of international relations, the expansion of the US economy brought about a shift in the execution of foreign policy. The most notable actions include the Spanish-American War of 1898, through which the United States obtained control of former Spanish islands in the Caribbean and the Philippines; the enactment of the Platt Amendment, which legitimized its intervention in Cuba; the implementation of Theodore Roosevelt's Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, which sought to position the United States as an "international police force" to preserve the stability and interests of its investors (above all, in Latin America); and the emergence of "dollar diplomacy," promoted by President William H. Taft between 1909 and 1912, which aimed to promote the use of the currency as a means of furthering American commercial interests abroad.6This transformation of the United States coincided with two key moments in Mexican history: the Porfiriato and the Mexican Revolution. During the years of General Porfirio Díaz's dictatorial rule, from the late 1870s to 1911, Mexico experienced much modernization—at the cost of liberties. Then, beginning with the political challenge to Díaz posed by Francisco I. Madero (1909–1910) and continuing through the decade-long Mexican Revolution, the nation went through great upheavals. During these years, economic issues stood out on the agenda as one of the most important factors in the binational relationship. In the first decade of the twentieth century, foreign direct investment (FDI) increased in Mexico, as did the number of companies with a presence in the territory. By 1910, most of the FDI inflow (60 percent) was composed of US capital; in terms of that country's outflows, Mexico was the destination for one-quarter of its investments.7American financial capital in Mexico increased considerably and was concentrated in different sectors throughout the country: in the north, it went mainly to the railroad system and the mining and smelting complex; in the center of the country, investments were made in the mining and energy industries; in the Gulf of Mexico, capital was directed at the incipient oil industry; and in the south, it went to the tropical rubber plantations. Likewise, the trade relationship accounted for three-quarters of Mexican exports and half of its imports.8Financial and credit factors presented new dynamics for the development of the binational relationship. In 1899, the New York Stock Exchange issued loans for foreign debt swaps and thus paved the way for the first debt issuance by a Latin American country. In 1900, a money order system was established that allowed money to be transferred and exchanged between the two countries. The most significant change came with the reform of the Mexican monetary system, which led to the adoption of the gold standard and allowed an exchange rate to be established between the currencies of the two countries. All of these changes strengthened financial and business relations between the nations.At the beginning of the twentieth century, significant migration occurred in both directions, although a larger number of people flowed from Mexico into the United States. An estimated 125,000 Mexicans lived in the United States in 1900; by 1910, that figure had increased to 230,000. The migrants were mainly agricultural and railroad workers and cowboys. More than half were located in Texas, followed by California, Arizona, Kansas, and New Mexico. The rest of the states were home to less than 5 percent of the total Mexican migrant population.9As the relationship between Mexico and the United States developed, a strengthening of diplomatic ties took place both at the binational and multilateral levels. The United States government sought to increase its influence on the continent and saw Mexico as providing a strategic position to connect with Latin America. It was in line with this that, in 1900, it proposed that the second Pan American Conference take place in Mexico City and, three years later, Colombia asked the United States to mediate the conflict over the separation of Panama. All of this suggests that, despite Mexico taking an autonomous position on the international scene, American influence and interest were beginning to permeate the Mexican agenda.10During the revolutionary period, the relationship between the nations began to experience ups and downs. First of all, the critical US media in Mexico influenced public opinion, highlighting, above all, the movements against President Porfirio Díaz, which were organized in the north of the country and in border states such as Texas. In spite of the Mexican government's requests to Washington that it put a stop to the organization of these groups in its territory, Madero's influence in some areas of the United States prevented any halt of this movement.11 Second, Díaz's resignation was well received by the Taft administration; what's more, the appointment of Francisco León de la Barra (the former Mexican ambassador to the United States) as interim president contributed to the recognition of his government by the United States.During Madero's short term in office, he stressed support for arms control in order to prevent weapons from reaching insurgent groups. The Taft administration had such confidence in the revolutionary process that it ignored Ambassador Henry Wilson's insistence that it intervene in Mexican territory against the elected government of Madero. President Taft maintained his stance even after the event known as the Ten Tragic Days (la Decena Trágica).12The Mexican Revolution had significant consequences for the relationship between Mexico and the United States. First and foremost, the outbreak of the armed conflict led to the displacement of those Mexicans who were fleeing the guerrillas. Gilberto Loyo reported that between 1926 and 1927, of sixty-one migrants surveyed, seventeen said they had migrated to the United States due to the revolution.13 All of the above suggests that Mexico and the United States underwent periods of conflict and reconciliation, mainly due to the instability of the Mexican government.The increase in the Mexican population in the United States introduced new challenges. From an economic standpoint, the United States experienced an increase in its labor force that enabled development in California and Texas.14 The settlement of people of Mexican origin in the country can be categorized according to birthrate and migration. Regarding birthrates, the number of Mexican-born children in the United States began to increase in 1880 and reached a peak in 1940. In terms of migration, it is estimated that the Mexican Revolution became a motivating factor in the migration of Mexicans to the United States from 1920 onwards.15The increase in the Mexican population in the United States constituted a major shift in binational diplomatic relations, since the Mexican government not only had to assist Americans who had business interests in Mexico but also had to develop mechanisms to defend the rights of Mexican migrants. As a result, Mexican diplomacy focused on the actions of its consulates, essential players in Mexican foreign policy, who used both creativity and common sense to reach out to their Mexican compatriots.16The growing number of undocumented migrants in the United States led to the creation of mechanisms such as the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) in 1922 and the border patrol in 1924. In response, consular diplomats had to specialize in a new issue: advocating for the dignity of their fellow countrymen. Since the beginning, the consulates had been conceived as centers that specialized in the US-Mexican relationship and aimed to address trade and political issues. However, the increase in the Mexican population and their treatment by the American authorities required the development of consular agents, inspectors, and chancellors for protection, and bilateral meetings focused on the regulation of migratory flows.17In short, these events not only provide the historical backdrop against which the relationship between Mexico and the United States shifted beginning in the twentieth century, but they also indicate a new series of challenges that needed to be addressed at the time, some of which persist today. Against this backdrop, Mexican consular work can be seen to have adapted to the historical development needs in the interest of preserving its work of promoting Mexico abroad while, at the same time, protecting Mexican nationals who migrate north.At the beginning of the twentieth century, the relationship between Mexico and the United States began to increase in importance on the agendas of these nations. The Mexican Revolution necessitated US recognition to validate the plans for government of the revolutionary campaigns. At the same time, the United States needed to reach out to the Mexican governments to attract and regulate the entry of Mexican workers into the country, especially since the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 stemmed the migration of laborers from China.18The entry of Mexican migrants into the United States marked the beginning of a complex relationship that is so closely connected on many levels. Mexican migration focused mainly on the borders of California and Texas. The Mexican communities that settled there had visions of opportunities for development and a future for their families.19While it is understandable that Mexicans focused on settling in border areas to maintain their family relationships across the border, there are also records of settlements in other states, such as Utah. Mexican migration to Utah was concentrated mainly in mining areas and specifically in the Salt Lake Valley, home to the Kennecott Copper Company. As of 1915, Kennecott was the largest mining company, generating 90 percent of the state's copper production and accounting for 8 percent of global production.20The economic expansion and growth of mining in Utah led to a high demand for labor, which was needed for high-risk work in the most dangerous excavations. By the first decade of the twentieth century, there were records of at least three contractors who were bringing in laborers of different nationalities: Leonida Skliris recruited Greek and Slavic migrants, Edward Hashimoto brought in Japanese workers, and, finally, Moses Paggi hired Italian workers.21The mining companies made a controversial decision in hiring Mexicans. The reasons centered mainly on the migrants' English proficiency and a fear of Mexicans based on stories and stereotypes that characterized them as violent, rebellious, or murderous. This meant that Mexicans were often subjected to the worst conditions with regard to the protection of their rights, since the language barrier and the fear of them meant they were denied access to trade unions and the right to purchase housing. As a result, the social and working conditions of Mexican workers were poorer than those of Italian, Greek, or Japanese migrants who, although they were not necessarily on better terms, did have greater opportunities for growth simply because of their nationality.22These developments permeated the outlook for Mexican workers as they sought to establish themselves in Salt Lake City. The adverse circumstances Mexican nationals faced—especially in the workplace—required a satisfactory response from the Mexican government. The Mexican diplomatic response required new measures that would enable it to extend protection for its compatriots, particularly in those areas with large migrant communities. Given that these communities were far removed from the embassy in Washington, DC, the diplomatic corps turned to the creation of consulates, diplomatic bodies which, even today, serve as an example for other countries.23 Consular diplomacy has been described as The set of actions, arrangements, good offices and interventions carried out by the personnel of a country's consular and diplomatic posts located in other States to safeguard the rights and prevent undue damage to the person, property and interests of its nationals abroad. Such work is carried out in accordance with the principles and norms of international law, and in compliance with the laws and regulations of the country in which protection is sought.24This suggests the importance of consular bodies in the development of Mexican foreign policy. Accordingly, Mexico currently has sixty-seven consular posts, fifty of them located in the United States,25 all of which evinces two important points in terms of Mexico's consular work: first, the multifaceted relationship with the United States has fostered a greater development of consular diplomacy in the interest of fulfilling the Mexican foreign policy agenda, and second, it is a fundamental pillar of the Mexican Foreign Service, since every member of the service who wishes to be promoted must have at least two years of experience of consular work.26In the same vein, the traits of consular work emerged as a favorable response to the historical context Mexicans experienced in Utah. In particular, the development and economic expansion of the United States as well as the internal changes experienced by both nations resulted in the need to establish a consulate in Salt Lake City. The request for this post to be established was made on June 21, 1910, by Philander Chase Knox, secretary of state of the United States, in a letter sent to the Mexican ambassador to the United States, Francisco León de la Barra. The document states the request was made by Utah governor William Spry in view of the increased capital investment in both Mexican land and companies by citizens of his state. He argued that there was a considerable amount of business related to land acquisition, transfers, contracts, and so forth.27At the time, the consulate in Phoenix, Arizona, was the jurisdiction responsible for affairs in Utah, but Spry argued that the distances reduced access and involved great expenses for those who wished to do business with the consulate. In response to the request, a letter was sent from the Mexican embassy in Washington to the secretary of state and the Office of Foreign Affairs. One month later, a response was received with a promise to send the project for analysis when the House and the Senate would come into session.28However, due to the outbreak of the Mexican Revolution, the establishment of the consulate was delayed by approximately one year, until León de la Barra became interim president after the resignation of Porfirio Díaz. The transition was enshrined in the appointment of the new consul, named during the interim administration on June 19, 1911, on a document bearing the crossed-out letterhead of the previous government. This document initiated the process to install José Lozano y Castro (1911–1912) as the new diplomatic envoy in Salt Lake City. Until that time, he had overseen the Mexican Consulate in Douglas, Arizona.29Lozano received a stipend of 243 pesos for the move, which, according to his correspondence, was an insufficient amount, and he arrived in Salt Lake City on July 17, 1911. The consular office was established at the Cullen Hotel, 33 West 200 South, an address currently occupied by the Kimpton Hotel Monaco.30 José Lozano's successor, Rafael L. Velarde (1912–1916), specified in his official communication upon taking up his duties that the consular offices were located in unit numbers 249 and 251 of the building.31The Salt Lake City Consulate carried out its operations apparently without incident between 1911 and 1921. However, in 1921, the first official notices began to arrive complaining of the dishonest and unsustainable behavior of the administration of then-consul Edward Hashimoto. The letters indicated that the consulate had been charging for processes that should have been free of charge and that the consul had completely disregarded the demands of Mexican nationals.32 This series of events led to both the Mexican population and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, SRE) to consider the consulate to be an unviable body for the defense of Mexican interests.Consequently, the Salt Lake City Consulate gradually lost its role in the protection of Mexican interests. The work of this diplomatic post was reduced with the arrival of Francisco I. Ramirez, who became vice consul and prioritized subordinating the office to those of the Consulate General of San Francisco. Later, the outbreak of the Mexican Revolution and its subsequent instability further hindered the consular work at the post, which was already almost nonexistent by that point.33This period of consular absence finally came to an end at the beginning of the 1930s. The arrival of Raúl G. Domínguez as consul in Salt Lake City marked a new beginning for diplomatic representation. On July 30, 1930, Domínguez once again notified the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs—then known as the Chief Officer of Foreign Affairs—of the need for the consular agency at Salt Lake City to be reappointed its role as a consular post.34 For practical purposes, this meant a return to assisting Mexican nationals in the offices and the allocation of a budget that would allow it to carry out these activities. Thanks to these Efforts by Domínguez, on August 7, 1930, the SRE circulated a document to all agencies of the SEM in which it indicated the consulate at Salt Lake City would resume its activities as a consular post as of October 15, 1930.35This new era of the Salt Lake City Consulate was accompanied by important changes. First, the consular offices moved to a new location in 1930. On October 24, 1930, Elías Colunga oversaw the negotiations on behalf of the consulate to install the offices in the building located at 406 McCornick. The SRE approved a budget of US$50,000 for the payment of the rent, in addition to sending an extra US$10,000 for moving expenses.36The resumption of consular activities was not simply born of the whims of the public officials; on the contrary, the increase in the size of the Mexican population in the area required the increased actions of the diplomatic corps. By the end of 1930, the Mexican community in Salt Lake City consisted of approximately five thousand to eight thousand Mexican citizens, depending on the seasonal work available in the beet fields.37 In December 1932, it was reported that Mexican workers in Utah enjoyed more or less favorable conditions, with permanent jobs in the mining areas and wages of US$3 to US$7.50 per hour, working two to three days a week.38 Finally, the records available up to 1935 suggest that the consulate's activities increased and diversified to include the issuance of visas and passports as well as legal consultation services and support for nationals making claims for payment.39 The consulate's budgetary requests to the SRE also increased, and it asked for more funds for the procurement of basic supplies and wage payments.40 After 1935 and with the passage of time, the Salt Lake City Consulate continued to deepen its ties with the local Mexican population and develop a range of activities and services available to the community.We argue, in short, that the primary objective of Mexico's consular diplomacy is to safeguard the interests of Mexican nationals as well as provide a foreign policy mechanism that enables the country to promote itself abroad. The large concentration of fifty consular posts in the United States is proof that these offices exist in response to the complexity of relations between the United States and Mexico, which is not something that has occurred by chance. Rather, historical developments in both nations have given their evolving relationship the characteristics it has today.Today, 110 years after its founding, the Salt Lake City Consulate is responsible for the state of Utah and western Wyoming. While its functions still include support and guidance for those interested in investing in Mexico, the growth of the Latino community in the region overlaps with this area of the consulate's work. José Borjón, the consul from 2017 to 2022, says that his duties focused on defending the human rights of Mexicans, as well as issuing documents, such as passports, and consular registration, a formal process that is useful to provide proof of identity and support in some bureaucratic procedures regardless of one's immigration status.41Since the Salt Lake City office is the only consular post in Utah, it plays a highly important role as an intermediary between the Mexican community and state authorities. Current estimates suggest that Latinos make up about 15 percent of Utah's population, of whom more than four hundred thousand are Mexican residents.42 Hence, the primary function of the consulate is to represent, promote, and protect this community throughout the boundaries of its jurisdiction.The consulate has also formed collaborative partnerships with several allies, including the Center for Latin American Studies (CLAS) at the University of Utah. Dr. Susie Porter, director of the CLAS, notes that a strengthened relationship between Utah and Mexico provides opportunities such as learning exchanges. Moreover, "Raising awareness of the link between the community of Utah with Mexico both historically and today" is worthwhile, "since valuing and increasing the visibility of Mexican culture contributes to the well-being of all Utahns."43Consul Borjón further remarks that economic opportunities are becoming increasingly evident as US companies look to relocate their production chains closer to home. Last but not least, strengthening these relationships highlights both the culture and contributions of Mexicans and Latinos to Utah's development.In other words, the actions of the Salt Lake City Consulate today allow Latinos to be seen as a dynamic population that is involved in different aspects of Utah's society on a daily basis. Certainly, the work of the consulate cannot be fully understood without recognizing its history, for it has helped the needs and contributions of the Latino community—which are both considerable and at different stages in Utah and throughout the western United States—to be heard and acknowledged.44The economic expansion of the United States in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries both strengthened and made its relationship with Mexico more complicated through increased investment and trade. The image of prosperity and growth created hope for Mexicans who migrated to the United States in search of better living conditions after the imbalances of the Mexican Revolution.The increasing closeness of the binational relationship required a specialized response from the Mexican government and its diplomatic agencies. As mentioned above, the creation of consular agencies occurred in response to the particular needs of the different areas of the United States. In this sense, the Salt Lake City Consulate was created to support businessmen who had interests in Mexico. However, as the Mexican community in that jurisdiction evolved and grew, the need to protect their rights emerged, especially in the 1920s, when the community was largely unrepresented. Today, 110 years after its creation, it is evident that the importance and functions of the Salt Lake City Consulate have evolved over time. However, its underlying objectives remain valid, as its role as a promoter of Mexico and advocate for Mexican citizens continue to shape its actions. Today, to fulfill this work, the consulate has prioritized new issues, since the support of Mexican nationals involves a broader defense of the human rights of all Mexicans who have migrated in search of better opportunities.The Mexican diaspora is and will continue to be a community that carries considerable weight in the social, cultural, and labor development of Utah. This, undoubtedly, would not be possible without the work of the team that makes up this consular agency, whose history speaks to its capable defense of Mexican nationals.